In this lesson we will cover the following two issues:
- Why are abortion politics important?
- A brief history of abortion law in Canada.
Note on language:
This module will use the language of “men” and “women” given that the abortion debate has mostly occurred on this terrain. That being said, it is important to keep in mind that not only women have abortions, and not only women get pregnant. Transmen and non-binary folks face additional barriers and challenges when it comes to reproductive rights and abortion access.
Why are abortion politics important?
Abortion is an essentially contested issue. Even in Canada, where the abortion debate is relatively stable. Politicians are asked about it in every election and parties have policy debates about it. About 99% of states regulate abortion, and as we will see, Canada is a rare exception. Abortion is a concrete site where sexual politics are regulated by the state. But even in Canada the state plays an active role in shaping how we talk and think about abortion. In the 2019 election, we saw the enduring weight of the abortion debate when Andrew Scheer was hurt by his pro-life views (even when he promised not to reopen the debate).
Abortion politics can be understood through at least four frames:
Religion vs. Secularity
Men vs. women: The abortion debate raises questions about fairness and equality. Should men have no say in abortion? Should the state have a say in the reproductive lives and choices of women and folks that have abortions?
Right to choose vs. right to life: There is a clash between understandings of human rights (e.g. who has rights and what rights should matter).
Debates over the appropriate role of the state in people’s personal and reproductive lives.
Abortion has also come to be a defining issue for both feminism, progressive politics, and conservative politics. It has been a defining issue for the feminist movement because it gets to issues of biological sex difference, bodily autonomy, and gendered and reproductive divisions of labour.
A brief history of the abortion debate in Canada
- Early History
Documented abortions have a long history in North America, stretching well before colonization. There are accounts that suggest that many Indigenous women used a variety of practices to induce abortion, and it was also a fact of life after colonization as well. Abortion was practiced in settler colonies as it had been in their European countries of origin.
Prior to the 1820s, women’s reproductive health was largely seen as an issue left to the knowledge and discretion of midwives, the medical practitioners who handled most women’s health issues of the time. Moreover, it was not always a highly contested, political issue nor has the issue been viewed from the perspective of ‘pro-life’ or ‘pro-choice’ positions. This meant that information about abortion (and contraceptives) was largely communicated by a network of women that remained at the periphery of the formal political and medical realms.
To the extent that abortion was subject to legal regulation, the standards in both the U.S. and Canada were relatively permissive, and followed the quickening distinction (generally understood as the moment when a woman is able to feel the fetus move in her womb, usually occurring around the fourth month of pregnancy). This was generally the norm until the beginning of the 1800s
Beginning in the early 1820s, both Canada (under British colonial rule) and the newly independent U.S. began to enact increasingly restrictive abortion laws fully prohibiting abortion. During this era, abortion became more commercialized. Public advertisements began to appear, making abortion a more obvious social reality and started to gain public attention as an issue of political concern. Second, women’s reproductive health began to be seen as a medical expertise, and male physicians began expanding into arenas of women’s reproductive health. In order to stake out the moral high ground over midwives, physicians increasingly opposed abortion, which was a practice that was largely practiced by midwives.
In this era, early opposition to abortion did not take on the explicitly religious and highly moralized tone that characterizes it today. Instead, physicians opposed abortion on the grounds that it harmed naïve and vulnerable women and focused on redefining the pre-quickening period as fundamentally the same as post-quickening on the basis of a scientific perspective. Largely driven by physicians, by the end of the 1800s abortion was illegal throughout all of North America, and would be for the next hundred years. This nearly blanket criminalization of abortion remained the legal norm well into the 1960s. As with most prohibitions, this didn’t mean abortion wasn’t practiced, as women with means could access it, and women without means would attempt to access it. Nevertheless, it was illegal in the eyes of the state.
- The decriminalization of abortion (1969)
Abortion was decriminalized in 1969 in Parliament by Pierre Trudeau. Interestingly, it was not feminists or an emerging women’s movement that pushed for initial decriminalization of abortion in the 1960s. At this time, the women’s movement was limited, had not mobilized, and did not have much political influence. Rather, in 1966 both the Canadian Bar Association and the Canadian Medical Association started to put pressure on the government. The driving force behind the original decriminalization of abortion, then, was not gender equality or women’s rights but instead the professional self-interest of doctors and lawyers. Unsurprisingly, given that the push to decriminalize abortion came from physicians, they were central to the new abortion law introduced by Trudeau.
Section 251 of the Canadian Criminal code became the new law regulating abortion. The law gave doctors the final say about whether women could access abortion care, through the implementation of therapeutic abortion committees (TACs). TACs consisted of a committee of at least three doctors appointed by the hospital board, whose job was to determine whether “the continuation of the pregnancy would or would be likely to endanger the life or health of the pregnant woman” (Brodie and al. 1992; 11).
While Section 251 undoubtedly liberalized access to abortion in Canada (women could now access legal abortion in some cases, whereas before 1969 they couldn’t), hospitals and doctors now acted as gatekeepers for women seeking abortions. Women did not have free reproductive choice. Rather, the state, through hospitals, retained the ability to choose whether and when abortion care was appropriate (and legal) for women.
The implementation of the TAC system in Canadian hospitals was hugely controversial. The controversy mostly centered on the ambiguity surrounding the terms “life” and “health” in the new law. Interpreted conservatively, “life” and “health” largely limited abortion access, while more sympathetic readings liberalized access (Arthur, 1999). Also, because only accredited hospitals – those with TACs in place – were permitted to offer abortion services, abortion access was often irregular and unevenly distributed across the country.
- The Morgentaler Era
By the 1970s and 1980s, the women’s movement had grown considerably, sparked in part by the 1969 abortion reform, and abortion became a defining issue of the Canadian women’s movement. Physicians have also been crucial to abortion politics in Canada, notably, Henry Morgentaler. Morgentaler was a a physician and pro-choice advocate who fought many legal battles aimed at expanding abortion rights and care in Canada. He was a holocaust survivor who immigrated from Poland to Canada after WWII, and a physician who performed abortion illegally throughout the country in violation of Canada’s then-abortion law. He opened his first clinic in Montreal in 1969, and was charged 4 times with “intent to perform an abortion” but was acquitted by juries all four times, but in an unprecedented move the Quebec Court of Appeal overturned the jury and he spent over a year in prison. Morgentaler’s battle for legal abortion would take him to the supreme court twice, with one big Supreme Court case in 1975 and again in 1988. In 1988, Morgentaler’s case brought a Charter challenge to the Supreme Court of Canada.
The main issue put forth before the Supreme Court in R. v. Morgentaler was whether or not Section 251 (the TAC system) infringed in an unjustified way on a pregnant woman’s right to “life liberty and security of the person” guaranteed by section 7 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. The Supreme Court ruled that Section 251 did, in fact, “infringe on a woman’s right to security by limiting her effective and timely access to medical services when her life or health was endangered” and directed the issue to Parliament. In the late 1980s, Brian Mulroney’s Conservative government found itself in a situation where Section 251 had been struck down as unconstitutional, the Supreme Court refused to rule on anything to do with fetal life, and there was no legal regulation of abortion in Canada. On May 29, 1990, Bill C-43 passed through the House of Commons by nine votes (140-131). Bill C-43 would criminalize doctors who performed abortions when a woman’s health was not at risk. Although the bill needed approval from the Canadian Senate in order to be enacted into law, the passage of the bill through the House of Commons had immediate effects. Doctors, unsure of how the new law would impact them as individuals, withdrew abortion services. Hospitals across the country began turning women seeking abortion services away. It soon became evident that Canadian doctors were scared of the unclear implementation of Bill C-43. After two months of Senate hearings, the Canadian Senate held a free vote on January 31, 1991. Shockingly the result was a 43-43 tie, the first tie in the history of the Senate in Canada. A tie in the Canadian Senate means that the bill is defeated, making Bill C-43 the first government bill defeated in the upper chamber in over thirty years. Bill C-43 would be the last abortion bill tabled by a government in Parliament to date.
Today, Canada is one of three countries that has no law regulating abortion. Abortion care is regulated by the medical community, like all other medical procedures. It is funded (for most people) by Canadian healthcare, and is relatively accessible. That is not to say that abortion access is equal or that there is no contestation. There is certainly a rural/urban divide in women’s ability to access abortion care, and there is no universal provincial agreement (which affects students attending college or university outside of their home province). Additionally, there is continued stigma around accessing abortion. In Canada, the Maritime provinces have lagged in abortion care (abortion is unfunded in New Brunswick, and unavailable in Prince Edward Island). That being said, there has been no significant backsliding of abortion rights, unlike in the U.S. That does not mean abortion is not an important issue for Canadians, as continued activism is happening on both sides of the debate.